Georg Soros – CIA Hampelman: Saakashvili in Georgien zelebriert sein „State Caputure
Noch ein faile State, was bei einem kriminellen Pyschopaten, wie Saakashvili nicht verwundern kann. Angela Merkel versprach bekanntlich diesem Berufs Kriminellen auch noch die NATO Mitgliedschaft, obwohl ein Staat, oder eine Funktion eines Staates, in diesen Konstrukten der USA – NATO Banditen nicht existiert.
Die selben Leute und Gangster wie in der Ukraine 2014: Robert Kagan mit Ehefrau Victory Nuland, William Kristol usw.
2009 wurde der von der Europäischen Union in Auftrag gegebene Untersuchungsbericht veröffentlicht. Die Kommission wies nach, dass der georgische Präsident Saakaschwili mit seinem Angriff keineswegs auf eine russische Invasion Südossetien reagierte, sondern den Krieg selber begonnen hatte. (21) Der Angriff Georgiens auf Südossetien und dort stationierte russische Friedenstruppen wurde daher als ein Verstoß gegen internationales Recht eingestuft. Eine anfängliche russische Intervention zur Verteidigung seiner Friedenstruppen auf südossetischem Gebiet sei durch das Völkerrecht gedeckt gewesen. Der Einmarsch russischer Truppen in georgisches Gebiet wurde hingegen als durch kein internationales Recht mehr gedeckt beurteilt und als sehr unverhältnismäßig bezeichnet. (22)
TBILISI, Georgia — Attempting to understand Georgian politics is a bit like imagining a therapy session between Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.
First, Dr. Jekyll speaks about how he single-handedly destroyed the corruption around him, battled crime and is building a modern state. You believe him. He speaks perfect English, is sitting in a brand new air-conditioned office and burns with the energy of youth.
Then Mr. Hyde takes over and spends all his time talking about how Dr. Jekyll is a dictator, how he swept corruption from the streets only to put money into his own pocket and goes to great lengths to ensure that his opponents are left with no voice. He also speaks perfect English, occupies a bustling office in Tbilisi’s charming center and rages with the passion of the wronged.
Just like both personalities exist within one man, so both realities exist within one country. Welcome to Georgia: land of contrasts.
“It’s a country undergoing radical change and radical change splits society,” said Shota Utiashvili, the country’s deputy interior minister. He’s sitting inside the ministry’s new headquarters, a long curvy building outside the city center built entirely of glass — a nod, the government says, to its commitment to transparency.
Several weeks earlier, interior ministry officers, wielding tear gas and rubber bullets, had violently dispersed a rally by a marginal opposition group in the center of Tbilisi. The images were violent: fires burning in front of parliament, police cracking pensioners over the head with batons. To many it was yet another sign of President Mikheil Saakashvili’s inability to broker dissent. Even to those who saw the protesters, led by Russia-friendly radical Nino Burjanadze, as provocateurs, the crackdown was harsh.
Utiashvili says an internal review has been ordered. “We can see from the footage that some police used excessive force,” he said. “Those will be punished.”
“But overall I don’t think it was too brutal,” he added, noting that “only” 37 people were hospitalized.
The demonstration, which gathered about 1,000 people, was a far cry from the protests that rocked Georgia in November 2007, when tens of thousands took to the streets against Saakashvili, only to meet police truncheons. To many outsiders, that was the first major sign that Saakashvili, hailed as the West-loving democracy hero of the 2003 Rose Revolution, wouldn’t quite live up to that reputation. The war with Russia over the breakaway republic of South Ossetia followed less than one year later. An EU report later found that Georgia sparked the conflict, while also blaming Russia for a disproportionate response. The impulsivity that prompted Saakashvili to take on mind-blowing reforms with breakneck speed had appeared to spill over.
That Saakashvili instituted massive changes can’t be denied. “Georgia was really some kind of a failed state,” said deputy justice minister Giorgi Vashadze, who, at 29, is around the average age of Georgia’s new generation of politicians. “Corruption was a way of life for all our citizens.”
That’s no longer true. Georgia has joined the Baltics as one of the few post-Soviet countries where neither corruption, nor a constant heavy-handed security presence, reigns. Saakashvili’s government famously instituted wide-ranging reforms upon coming to power that involved firing a large chunk of its police and civil service force, as well as lifting state employees’ salaries (with the help of Western aid). It now consistently places near the top of World Bank rankings on qualities like reform and the ease of doing business.
“We created the possibility for the young generation to start working in the government sector with normal salaries,” said Vashadze. “Of course there were people who didn’t like this process. Seven to 10 percent of the population don’t like any reforms.”