Startseite > Geo Politik > Deutsche Politik im Desaster von Afghanistan: immer mit Kriminellen, Verbrechern und Oligarchen

Deutsche Politik im Desaster von Afghanistan: immer mit Kriminellen, Verbrechern und Oligarchen

Immer mit Verbrechern als Partner: Deutsche Aussenpolitik und Steinmeier war schon wieder dort, um Geschäfte zu machen. Warlord Atta Muhammad Noor, ein Produkt der Deutschen, wie so oft: von Albanien, dem Kosovo, Balkan bis zu den Mord Faschisten in Kiew und aus Kabul gibt es Nichts Neues was nicht von der Steinmeier Bande mit ihren Todesschwadronen nicht schon vor 10 Jahren bekannt war.
Gut geschmiert direkt von Steinmeier war auch der Verbrecher: Nordallianz-Chefs Muhammad Qasim Fahim
Kosten die vertuscht wurden: Die Kosten des bisherigen Einsatzes belaufen sich allein für die Bundesrepublik nach Schätzungen des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung auf 26 bis 46 Milliarden Euro.
Alles Betrug, mit dem Aufbau: vom Balkan, Irak bis Afghanistan und Afrika. Nur die verschwundenen Milliarden werden immer mehr.

In den USA wird man auf die Verschwendung von Steuergeldern beim „Nation Building“ aufmerksam

Deutsche Soldaten berichten nur negativ, was ihre Offiziere in Afghanistan trieben im Auftrage von Steinmeier, undurchsichtiger Personen und immer mit der Prominenz der Kriminellen.
Die NATO ist zum Schmieren Geschäft dre NATO, auch der Bundeswehr verkommen, mit dem Motor und Haupt Verantwortlichen: Frank Walter Steinmeier, wo man einseitig auf Seiten krimineller Clans, in Stammes Kriege eingriff. Nur mit Terrorismus hatte das Ganze nie etwas zu tun, was immer eine PR Luege war.
Allgemein Wissen: Die einzige Aufgabe der Bundeswehr in Afghanistan war, die Drogen Produktion und die Handels Wege, fuer die kriminellen Partner abzusichern, deshalb arbeitete man auch mit einer Mazedonischen Firma (ecolog) aus Tetova zusammen, denn die Drogen Verteilung mit dem Dreh Kreuz Tetova, dem Kosovo musste gesichert werden. Ein 4 Sterne General, war deren Repraesentant in den USA.

General Steve L. Arnold, im 1. Irak Krieg u.a. Stellvertreter von General Schwarzkopf und später Chef des 3. Armee Korps bis 1997.General (ret.) Steve L. Arnold
General (ret.) Steve L. Arnold became the first President of Ecolog USA, Inc. in September, 2007. Ecolog USA, Inc. is the newly organised United States affiliate of Ecolog AG, the international specialist for mobile infrastructure services to provide tailor-made logistics and service solutions to armed forces and organisations in contingency areas. Before joining Ecolog, Steve Arnold was the Vice President/Program Manager of LOGCAP III Middle East/Central Asia for KBR. KBR constructed facilities and managed the infrastructure for Army base camps – everything from beds and food service, to laundry, sanitation and utilities. Prior to LOGCAP III, he served with NDC Health, a healthcare information technology services firm. At NDC Health, he managed and consolidated new acquisitions in the US and UK . Prior to April 1997, Steve served in the United States Army for 34+ years, culminating his service as the Commanding General for the Third United States Army. His assignment with Ecolog allows him to proudly support the soldiers of the United States and NATO as well as serve the employees of Ecolog.
http://www.defence-conference.de/index.a…ta&lang=deutschGeneral Arnold ist der Mann, mit Know für die Verteilung von Regierungs Aufträgen!LOGCAP III Middle East/Central Asia for KBR, verteilt ganz kurz die Aufträge in Milliarden Höhe u.a. an Haliburton, wo der Ex-Vize US Präsident Cheney Teilhaber und Präsident war und Cheney war direkt in den US Drogen Schmuggel über Haliburton in der Iran Contra Affäre verwickelt. Cheney war wegen Bestechung auch in Frankreich angeklagt, eines der korruptesten und kriminellsten Amerikaner, welche je gelebt haben. Haupt Initiator für die Irak Lügen und Fälschungen usw..
Vom Westen befreit (III)
26.09.2014

KABUL/BERLIN
(Eigener Bericht) – Ein Kooperationspartner Deutschlands steckt hinter den nur mit Mühe abgewandten Gewaltdrohungen nach der Präsidentenwahl in Afghanistan. Dies geht aus Berichten über die wiederholten Ankündigungen hervor, Regierungsgebäude in Kabul zu stürmen, sollte der mutmaßliche Wahlverlierer Abdullah Abdullah nicht an der Regierung beteiligt werden. Die Ankündigungen gehen demnach auf den Gouverneur der Provinz Balkh, Atta Muhammad Noor, zurück. In der Hauptstadt von Balkh, Mazar-i-Sharif, unterhält die Bundeswehr ihr Haupt-Feldlager in Afghanistan („Camp Marmal“); um dort Unruhen zu verhindern, kooperiert sie eng mit dem Warlord Atta, dem schwerste Menschenrechtsverletzungen nachgesagt werden und der darüber hinaus seine Macht nutzt, um gewaltige Reichtümer anzuhäufen. Mittlerweile gilt er als einer der reichsten Männer Afghanistans. Atta, durch die Kooperation mit dem Westens gestärkt, will seinen Einfluss nun über die Region hinaus ausdehnen und setzt dazu auf Abdullah, der „Chief Executive Officer“ der neuen Regierung wird. Mit Atta herrscht im Norden des „befreiten“ Afghanistan ein Warlord, der bereits in den 1990er Jahren die Bevölkerung der Region terrorisierte. Die verbreitete Furcht vor dem Terror der Warlords ebnete damals den Taliban den Weg an der Macht.
Afghanistans CEO
Nur mit Mühe und unter massivem Druck des Westens haben die beiden Kandidaten der Stichwahl um das Präsidentenamt Afghanistans, Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai und Abdullah Abdullah, am vergangenen Wochenende eine Einigung in ihrem Machtkampf erzielt. Abdullah hatte Ghanis Wahlsieg in Frage gestellt und auf massive Fälschungen verwiesen. Das Ergebnis der Nachzählungen ist nicht bekanntgegeben worden; ob Hinweise stimmen, denen zufolge Ghani auch nach der Korrektur klar vorne liegt, ist nicht verifizierbar. Die jetzt erzielte Einigung sieht vor, dass er das Präsidentenamt erhält, während Abdullah zu einem neuartigen „Chief Executive Officer“ (CEO) mit Kompetenzen vor allem in der Tagespolitik ernannt werden soll. Die Ministerposten werden an beide Parteien gleichermaßen verteilt. Beobachter vermuten, die „Einheitsregierung“ werde, sollte sie bestehen bleiben, die aktuellen Machtverhältnisse im Land konservieren. Während Ghani dabei für die ultrakonservativen paschtunischen Stämme steht, ist Abdullah der Vertreter von Kräften der Nordallianz. Als treibende Figur hinter ihm gilt vor allem der Gouverneur der nordafghanischen Provinz Balkh, Atta Muhammad Noor, der das bedeutendste Wirtschaftszentrum Nordafghanistans kontrolliert – Mazar-i-Sharif.[1]
Die Sicherheitslage im Griff
In Mazar-i Sharif unterhält die Bundeswehr seit 2005 ihr größtes Feldlager in Afghanistan, „Camp Marmal“. Dort sind aktuell noch rund 1.450 von den insgesamt etwa 1.800 deutschen Soldaten am Hindukusch stationiert; von „Camp Marmal“ aus soll auch die sogenannte Ausbildungsmission geführt werden, an der sich die Bundesrepublik in den kommenden Jahren beteiligen will. Deshalb hat Berlin seit je erhebliches Interesse daran, Unruhen in Mazar-i-Sharif und dem umliegenden Gebiet zu verhindern, und dazu kooperiert es mit Atta Muhammad Noor. Atta wurde bereits in den Jahren unmittelbar nach der Besetzung Afghanistans vom Westen unterstützt, weil er als fähig galt, seinen Rivalen Abdul Rashid Dostum, einen berüchtigten Schlächter, in Schach zu halten und klare Machtverhältnisse im Norden des Landes herzustellen. Im Jahr 2004 wurde er mit westlicher Billigung Gouverneur der Provinz Balkh. Seither haben mehrere deutsche Minister sich mit ihm getroffen; im März 2012 ließ sich Bundeskanzlerin Merkel persönlich bei einer Zusammenkunft mit Atta fotografieren. Als Außenminister Westerwelle im Juli 2011 mit Atta konferierte, um die Übergabe der offiziellen Kontrolle über Mazar-i-Sharif an einheimische Kräfte zu zelebrieren, da hieß es erläuternd, der Gouverneur von Balkh werde „von Deutschen und Amerikanern hofiert“, weil er „die Sicherheitslage weitgehend im Griff“ habe und „Bereitschaft zu wirtschaftlicher Modernisierung“ zeige.[2]
„Ein Mörder, ein Krimineller“
Wie Atta Muhammad Noor die „Sicherheitslage weitgehend im Griff“ behält, zeigen Berichte von Kritikern. Atta, der seit Beginn der 1980er Jahre in den unterschiedlichen afghanischen Kriegen kämpfte und schon Anfang der 1990er als einer der mächtigsten Warlords des Landes galt, habe einst nahe Mazar-i-Sharif ein „Menschen-Schlachthaus“ unterhalten, hieß es vor rund zwei Jahren in einer Analyse der „Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission“ (AIHRC), die afghanische Kriegsverbrechen der Jahre von 1978 bis 2001 untersuchte.[3] Die Veröffentlichung der Studie wurde damals unterdrückt; ebenso kam es nicht zu einer Untersuchung der Verbrechen, denen Menschen zum Opfer gefallen waren, deren sterbliche Überreste in den vergangenen Jahren in Massengräbern auch im deutsch kontrollierten Teil Nordafghanistans entdeckt wurden. „Wenn Sie beispielsweise zu einem durchschnittlichen Afghanen, der im Norden lebt, über Gouverneur Atta sprechen, würden Sie hören: Er ist ein Mörder, ein Killer, ein Krimineller“, stellte 2009 ein afghanischer Beobachter fest: „Aber die ISAF-Staaten stellen sich taub.“[4] Vor allem von Übergriffen gegen die paschtunische Minderheit Nord-Afghanistans wurde immer wieder berichtet; Journalisten schilderten, wie etwa ein Arzt ermordet wurde, weil er Landbesitz in einem Stadtteil hatte, den Atta in seinen Besitz bringen wollte.[5] Der Journalist Marc Thörner warnte schon 2010 im Gespräch mit german-foreign-policy.com: „Die Polizei, die von Deutschland in Balkh ausgebildet wird, das ist die Polizei des Fürstentums von Gouverneur Atta. Diese Polizei – das ist durch verschiedenste Berichte und Zeugenaussagen belegt – ist offenbar auch noch dabei, schwerste Menschenrechtsverletzungen zu begehen.“[6]
Afghanistans Orangene Revolution
Atta Muhammad Noor, dem es gelungen ist, in den vergangenen Jahren riesige Geldsummen anzuhäufen und zu einem der reichsten Männer des Landes zu werden, wolle jetzt Reichtum und regionale Macht in überregionalen Einfluss umwandeln, heißt es nun. Er suche sich nach dem Tod des Nordallianz-Chefs Muhammad Qasim Fahim zum Anführer des tadschikischsprachigen Bevölkerungsteils aufzuschwingen, habe Allianzen mit Warlords im ganzen Land geschmiedet und eine hohe Summe Geld eingesetzt, um Abdullah Abdullahs Wahlkampf zu finanzieren. Ein afghanischer Journalist ist der Ansicht: „Abdullah ist nur eine Marionette von Atta“. Atta habe gedroht, heißt es nun, er werde „Regierungsgebäude stürmen und besetzen“ lassen, sollte Abdullah nicht „die Hälfte der Posten“ in der afghanischen Regierung bekommen: „Er hat eine orangefarbene Revolution wie in der Ukraine angekündigt und seine Leute in Kabul instruiert, orange Fahnen nähen zu lassen.“[7] In der Tat sei befürchtet worden, heißt es weiter, Atta könne einen Putsch anzetteln, sollten seine Forderungen nicht berücksichtigt werden. Mehrmals habe US-Präsident Barack Obama persönlich mit ihm telefoniert; mehrfach hätten ihn Soldaten einer US-Spezialeinheit in seinem Gouverneurspalast besucht, um ihm zu verdeutlichen, „dass es nicht zu seinem Besten wäre, wenn er gegen die Interessen Washingtons handeln würde“. Auch deutsche Diplomaten hätten sich eingeschaltet und „mäßigend auf ihn einzuwirken“ versucht.[8]
Die Stimme der Freiheit
Die Einigung vom vergangenen Wochenende kann als Erfolg für Atta gelten: Sein Kandidat Abdullah hat sich paritätischen Einfluss in der „Einheitsregierung“ gesichert; damit steigt auch die Chance für ihn selbst, seinen eigenen Einfluss wie gewünscht weiter auszubauen – nicht zuletzt dank der systematischen Förderung aus Berlin und Washington. Kritik aus der Bevölkerung hält der von Deutschland und den USA gestützte Herrscher mit eiserner Faust nieder; Medienvertreter etwa klagen über massive Pressionen. Erst letzte Woche ist die Journalistin Palwasha Tokhi im Zentrum von Mazar-i-Sharif ermordet worden. Tokhi hätte gerettet werden können. Weil sie vier Jahre lang für die Bundeswehr gearbeitet hatte, die von „Camp Marmal“ aus einen Rundfunksender betrieb („Sada-i-Azadi Shamal“, „Stimme der Freiheit im Norden“), gehörte sie zu den Personen, die nach dem Teilabzug der westlichen Streitkräfte als besonders gefährdet gelten und einen Antrag auf Ausreise nach Deutschland stellen können. Hätte Berlin ihrem Antrag stattgegeben, wäre sie noch am Leben. Wie es in Berichten erläuternd heißt, seien für Journalisten „auch Bedrohungen durch Regierungsmitarbeiter“ in Afghanistan „nicht auszuschließen“: Diese fielen jedoch „nicht unter die Kriterien, die von der Bundesregierung für eine Aufnahme früherer Mitarbeiter der Bundeswehr festgelegt worden seien“.[9]
Weitere Berichte zur aktuellen Lage in Ländern, die von Deutschland und anderen westlichen Staaten mit Krieg überzogen wurden, finden Sie hier: Vom Westen befreit (I) und Vom Westen befreit (II).
Kategorien:Geo Politik Schlagwörter: ,
  1. guratual
    September 27, 2014 um 10:06 am

  2. gostari
    September 28, 2014 um 6:59 am

    Der Kaspar Hauser der Deutschen Politik, der noch nie etwas kapiert hat. Gott bewahre die Welt vor solchen Gestalten wie Joschka Fischer und Steinmeie

    Uno-Rede: Steinmeier verspricht mehr deutsches Krisen-Engagement

    http://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/uno-rede-steinmeier-verspricht-deutschlands-krisen-hilfe-a-994163.html

  3. kommstum
  4. Oktober 8, 2014 um 5:56 pm

    Wird Afghanistan zum nächsten Irak?
    Florian Rötzer 08.10.2014
    Wie in Syrien und im Irak jetzt sollten die Taliban in Afghanistan ausgelöscht werden, mit dem anstehenden Truppenabzug könnte sich wiederholen, was im Irak geschehen ist

    http://www.heise.de/tp/artikel/42/42995/1.html

  5. konradi
    Oktober 16, 2014 um 6:18 pm

    Steinmeier Partner: Oligarch Akhmetov! Da weiß man Steinmeier als Profi Verbrecher zuverstehen: siehe auch Afghanistan usw.. Jetzt werden die Panzer der Rebellen dort rebelliert, wo der Gangster das Sagen hatte, mit Hilfe der korrupten NATO und Deutschen Politiker

    Echte Helden,

  6. Oktober 18, 2014 um 2:44 pm

    Hat dies auf Weltpolitik rebloggt und kommentierte:
    Deutsche Politik und die Oligarchen

  7. zoran
    November 4, 2014 um 3:48 pm

    Das Afghanische Militär verkauft seit über 10 Jahren die gelieferten Waffen an die Taliban, was nicht neu ist.

  8. navy
    Dezember 16, 2014 um 6:06 pm

    Putin giveth, and Putin taketh away. Oligarch must repay $852.5 M., or lose 4 fertilizer factories and 5.679 Billion CMx3 gas stored in Ukraine
    Part of channel(s): Ukraine (current event)

    An ugly story of rags to riches, and corruption in the former USSR.

    [Click to view image: ‚281_1418688011-bigDmytroFirtash2_1418688041.jpg‘]

    First part:

    >““
    Gazprombank tried to convince the company Ostchem Holding, owned by
    Ukrainian businessman Dmytro Firtash, extra to repay the loan in the
    amount of 842, 5 million dollars, said the press service of the GPB.

    due to the inability of Ostchem Holding Ltd. To fulfill obligations to
    Gazprombank under the credit agreement in the amount of 842, 5 million
    dollars, the Bank is forced to declare the loan and accrued the interest
    rate term to maturity “ – quoted by RIA “ Novosti “ letter to the press
    service of the Bank. The Bank warns that in case of default of the loan
    and % to 30 December 2014, he will submit a claim for payment of the
    loan to the guarantors or four plants producing mineral fertilizers,
    within this group of organizations. In addition, the public will pay the
    compensation provided by the plants collateral – 5, 679 billion cubic
    meters of gas in underground gas storages of Ukraine.

    Source: http://news.rin.ru/eng/news///78288/

    And her is the ugly back story:

    >““
    In Russia, powerful friends helped him make a fortune. In the United
    States, officials want him extradited and put behind bars. In Austria,
    where he is currently free on bail of $155 million, authorities have yet
    to decide what to do with him.

    He is Dmitry Firtash, a former fireman and soldier. In little more
    than a decade, the Ukrainian went from obscurity to wealth and renown,
    largely by buying gas from Russia and selling it in his home country.
    His success was built on remarkable sweetheart deals brokered
    by associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin, at immense cost
    to Russian taxpayers, an investigation shows.

    Russian government records reviewed for this article reveal for the
    first time the terms of recent deals between Firtash and Gazprom,
    a giant gas company majority owned by the state.

    According to Russian customs documents detailing the trades, Gazprom
    sold more than 20 billion cubic meters of gas well below market prices
    to Firtash over the past four years — about four times more than
    the Russian government has publicly acknowledged. The price Firtash paid
    was so low that companies he controlled made more than $3 billion
    on the arrangement.

    Over the same time period, other documents show, bankers close
    to Putin granted Firtash credit lines of up to $11 billion. That credit
    helped Firtash, who backed pro-Russian Viktor Yanukovych’s successful
    2010 bid to become Ukraine’s president, to buy a dominant position
    in the country’s chemical and fertilizer industry and expand his
    influence.

    The Firtash story is more than one man’s grab for riches. It
    demonstrates how Putin uses Russian state assets to create streams
    of cash for political allies, and how he exported this model to Ukraine
    in an attempt to dominate his neighbor, which he sees as vital
    to Russia’s strategic interests. With the help of Firtash, Yanukovych
    won power and went on to rule Ukraine for four years. The relationship
    had great geopolitical value for Putin: Yanukovych ended up steering
    the nation of more than 44 million away from the West’s orbit
    and towards Moscow’s until he was overthrown in February.

    „Firtash has always been an intermediary,“ said Viktor Chumak,
    chairman of the anti-corruption committee in the previous Ukrainian
    parliament. „He is a political person representing Russia’s interests
    in Ukraine.“

    A spokesman for Putin rejected claims that Firtash acted on behalf
    of Russia. „Firtash is an independent businessman and he pursues his own
    interests, I don’t believe he represents anyone else’s interests,“ said
    Dmitry Peskov.

    The findings are the latest in a Reuters examination of how elites
    favored by the Kremlin profit from the state in the Putin era. In the
    wild years after the fall of the Soviet Union, state assets were seized
    or bought cheaply by the well connected. Today, resources and cash flows
    from public enterprises are diverted to private individuals with links
    to Putin, whether in Russia or abroad.

    Putin’s system of comrade capitalism has had huge costs for the
    ordinary people of Russia: By granting special cheap deals to Firtash,
    Gazprom missed out on about $2 billion in revenue it could have made
    by selling that gas at market prices, according to European gas price
    data. Four industry analysts said that Gazprom could have sold the gas
    at substantially higher prices to other customers in Europe.

    At the same time, the citizens of both Russia and Ukraine have seen unelected oligarchs wield political influence.

    Firtash, whose main company, Group DF, describes him as one
    of Ukraine’s leading entrepreneurs and philanthropists, was arrested
    in Austria on March 12 at the request of U.S. authorities. The Americans
    accuse him of bribery over a business deal in India unrelated to events
    examined in this article. Firtash denies those allegations and is
    currently free on bail.

    Firtash imported the cheap Russian gas through a Cypriot company
    of which he is sole director, and a Swiss one set up by Group DF. He
    and Group DF declined to answer questions about those two companies
    and their gas dealings. A spokesman said Firtash was not available
    to discuss his business operations, and that Group DF did not wish
    to comment on „any of the questions you put forth.“

    The Kremlin spokesman Peskov said Putin has met Firtash but that they
    are not close acquaintances. He said Russia supplied gas at „lower
    prices“ to Ukraine because Yanukovych had asked for it and Russia wanted
    to help Ukraine’s petrochemical industry. Peskov said the deals were
    arranged through Firtash because „the Ukrainian government asked for it
    to be that way.“

    Yanukovych, who fled to Russia in February after mass demonstrations against his government, could not be reached for comment.

    The Middleman

    From the moment he first became Russia’s president, Putin moved
    to take control of his country’s most valuable resource: natural gas.
    After assuming power in 2000, he replaced the management of Gazprom, put
    trusted allies in charge, and ensured the Russian state controlled more
    than half the shares.

    The corporate behemoth now supplies about a third of Europe’s gas,
    generating vital revenue for Russia and giving Putin a powerful economic
    lever. „Gazprom is very much a tool of Russian foreign policy,“ says
    Rem Korteweg, senior research fellow at the Center for European Reform.
    Every major deal that Gazprom signs is approved by Putin, people in the
    energy industry say.

    Putin’s spokesman rejected such assertions: Gazprom, he said, „is
    a commercial, public company, which has international shareholders. It
    acts in the interests of its shareholders, which also include
    the Russian state.“

    In normal times, Gazprom’s second biggest customer in Europe is
    Ukraine; Russian gas was piped directly across the border between
    the two countries until Russia cut off supplies earlier this year.

    In the 2000s, though, Gazprom decided to sell gas not directly
    to Ukraine’s state gas company Naftogaz, but to intermediaries —
    in particular Firtash, an international gas dealer who had risen
    from humble origins.

    Firtash grew up in west Ukraine, where his father worked in education
    and his mother in a sugar factory, according to an account Firtash gave
    during a meeting with the U.S. ambassador in Kiev in 2008. Both his
    parents disdained communism and lacked the contacts needed to get their
    son into university, he said.

    He joined the army in 1986, then trained to be a fireman. When
    the Soviet Union collapsed, leading to Ukraine’s independence in 1991,
    Firtash found himself having to make a living in an uncertain world,
    according to his account to the ambassador. With his first wife, he set
    up a business in west Ukraine shipping canned goods to Uzbekistan,
    according to local media reports researched by the U.S. embassy.

    A U.S. diplomatic cable, which summarised Firtash’s discussion with
    the ambassador, drily noted: „Due to his commodities business, [Firtash]
    became acquainted with several powerful business figures from the
    former Soviet Union.“

    According to the cable, Firtash told the U.S. ambassador he had been
    forced to deal with suspected criminals because at that time it was
    impossible to do business in Ukraine cleanly. He said he had needed
    and received permission from a man named Semion Mogilevich to establish
    various businesses. Mogilevich, an alleged boss of organized crime
    in eastern Europe, is wanted by the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation
    for an alleged multimillion-dollar fraud in the 1990s involving
    a company headquartered in the United States. He was indicted in 2003,
    and described by the FBI in 2009 as having an „extensive international
    criminal network.“

    Firtash has repeatedly denied having any close relationship with
    Mogilevich. Mogilevich could not be contacted for comment. He has
    previously denied any wrongdoing or any connection to the gas trade
    in Ukraine.

    By 2002, a company called Eural Trans Gas, registered in Hungary, was
    transporting gas from Turkmenistan through Russia to Ukraine. Its
    ownership was unclear, but Firtash represented it. In July 2004, a new
    company, RosUkrEnergo, became the intermediary for gas deals between
    Russia and Ukraine. The owners of RUE were unknown at first, but it
    later emerged that nearly all of the company was owned by Firtash
    and Gazprom.

    RUE bought gas cheaply and sold it on at a higher price in Ukraine
    and Europe. This arrangement guaranteed profits for RUE and was hugely
    controversial among Ukrainians who saw RUE as an unnecessary
    intermediary. Another U.S. diplomatic cable, from March 2009, described
    RUE as a „cash cow“ and a „serious source of … political patronage.“
    In a website posting, RUE said that in 2007 it sold nearly $10 billion
    worth of gas and had net income of $795 million.

    After Yulia Tymoshenko, herself a former gas trader, became prime
    minister of Ukraine in 2008, she reacted to public anger about the gas
    trade and moved to cut Firtash and RUE out of the business. She struck
    her own gas deal with Putin in 2009.

    By that time, Firtash was rich. In the country’s 2010 presidential
    election, Firtash, by his own admission, aided the pro-Russian
    Yanukovych. A U.S. diplomatic cable described Firtash as a „major
    financial backer“ of Yanukovych.

    „Firtash supported Yanukovych in various ways,“ said Vadym Karasiov,
    an aide to Viktor Yuschenko, Ukraine’s president from 2005 to 2010,
    in an interview. Karasiov said the mogul used his influence in the media
    to promote Yanukovych. In April 2010, in the aftermath of the election,
    Karasiov told the Kiev Post: „Without Dmitry Firtash there wouldn’t
    have been a [Yanukovych] victory.“

    With Yanukovych president, Tymoshenko stepped down as prime minister.
    Business associates of Firtash were appointed to influential positions
    in the new administration. He had allies in the corridors of power,
    and ambitious plans to expand his business empire and get back into the
    gas trade. His friends in Russia were happy to help him.

    The Loans

    Tucked away in Nicosia, Cyprus, a bundle of tattered papers wrapped
    in string records Russian credit agreements made to Firtash companies.
    The documents, detail a series of financing deals worth billions
    of dollars.

    The deals were arranged by a Russian lender called Gazprombank.
    Despite its name, the bank is not controlled by Gazprom, which holds
    only a minority stake. It is a separate business, overseen by people
    linked to Putin. They include Yuri Kovalchuk, a banker who until March
    2014 controlled an investment firm that manages a majority stake
    in Gazprombank.

    In a statement, Gazprombank said: „We do not receive any instructions
    from the Kremlin … The strategy of the bank is developed by its
    management board and approved by the board of directors. No other
    influence is possible.“

    Asked whether Putin had any role in issuing the loans to Firtash
    companies, Kremlin spokesman Peskov said: „Putin, as president, does not
    have anything to do with this.“

    Gazprombank began lending money to Firtash companies soon after Yanukovych took power in Ukraine in February 2010.

    In June that year, Firtash established a company called Ostchem
    Investments in Cyprus. A month later, Gazprombank registered a credit
    line to the company of $815 million, according to the Cyprus documents.
    In September, Ostchem Investments bought a 90 percent stake in the
    Stirol fertiliser plant in Ukraine. It was perfect synergy: Firtash knew
    the gas business, and natural gas is a major feedstock for making
    fertilizer.

    Further loans and deals with Firtash companies followed.

    By March 2011, Gazprombank had registered credit lines of up
    to $11.15 billion to Firtash companies. The companies may not have
    borrowed that whole sum, but the documents indicate that loans up
    to that amount were available, according to Cyprus lawyers.

    In the space of seven months in 2011 alone, Firtash acquired control
    of two more fertilizer plants in Ukraine, Severodonetsk Azot and Rivne
    Azot. He also bought the Nika Tera sea port, through which fertilizer
    and other dry bulk goods are shipped. He acquired a lender called Nadra
    Bank and invested in the titanium processing industry.

    Such was his expansion that Firtash became the fifth largest
    fertilizer producer in Europe. Being a large employer brought not just
    potential profits but also political clout, he boasted. „We have
    relations with MPs,“ Firtash told Die Presse in Austria in May. „We are
    big employers in the regions that they represent. Entire cities live
    on our factories. Election candidates seek our support.“

    When asked in 2011 where the money came from to pay for his
    acquisitions, Firtash was coy. At a press conference called to announce
    his purchase of the Severdonetsk plant, he declined to name his major
    lenders. „It’s a secret,“ he told Ukrainian journalists.

    But a Gazprombank manager said the Russian bank had led a consortium
    of lenders which in 2011 agreed to lend about $7 billion to Firtash.
    The official said Gazprombank itself lent Firtash $2.2 billion, and that
    Firtash still owed the bank $2.08 billion. The official declined
    to name other lenders in the consortium.

    A $2.2 billion loan was a big commitment for Gazprombank: It amounted
    to nearly a quarter of the bank’s total capital, the maximum loan
    allowed by Russian banking rules for any single client or group. Based
    on regulatory filings, the loan facility made Firtash the biggest single
    borrower from Gazprombank.

    It is unclear how much in total the Gazprombank consortium lent to Firtash companies.

    In a statement, Gazprombank said that „the aggregate amount of loans
    disbursed to Ostchem Group“ was „several times lower“ than $11 billion.
    „And all capital requirements and limitations of the Central Bank
    of Russia in respect of loans granted have always been complied with
    by Gazprombank, including loans to Ostchem Group,“ the statement said.

    The bank declined to give any further details, saying it had to protect client confidentiality. The Central Bank had no comment.

    Gas Profits

    Firtash now had money, political connections and businesses that relied on large supplies of gas. What he needed next was fuel.

    In January 2011, Firtash signed an unpublished agreement with Gazprom
    to buy gas through a company called Ostchem Holding in Cyprus, where he
    is the sole director listed.

    The gas deal was later extended to include sales to Ostchem Gas
    Trading AG in Switzerland. It was also agreed by Naftogaz, Ukraine’s
    state-owned gas firm, where Yanukovych had installed new senior
    management. Firtash needed Naftogaz’s sign-off because it controlled
    pipelines delivering gas and, until that point, had an exclusive deal
    to import gas from Gazprom.

    Naftogaz’s decision to agree to the deal was an odd one. Not only did
    it mean Naftogaz would surrender its monopoly on Russian gas imports,
    but the deal could also potentially damage the state firm. Naftogaz had
    previously agreed with Gazprom to pay for a set amount of gas whether it
    could sell it in Ukraine or not. Firtash’s deal could leave
    the Ukrainian state firm buying gas it would struggle to sell.

    Firtash’s return to importing gas became public knowledge after
    Yanukovych’s election victory. But the price he paid Moscow, and how
    much cheap gas he bought, remained unclear. An Ostchem spokesman said
    the price was „confidential information.“

    Russian customs records show that in 2012, Moscow sold the gas
    to Firtash for $230 per 1,000 cubic meters (the standard unit used
    in gas sales). In 2013 the average cost was $267 per unit. Those prices
    were at least one-third less than those paid by Ukraine’s Naftogaz.

    Ukrainian customs documents and corporate filings show that Firtash’s
    Ostchem companies in Cyprus and Switzerland resold the gas to his
    chemical plants in Ukraine for $430 per unit. The prices and volumes
    suggest that the two offshore Ostchem companies made an operating profit
    of approximately $3.7 billion in two years.

    Naftogaz’s current management is highly critical of the way in which
    Gazprom favored Firtash’s companies. Aliona Osmolovska, chief of press
    relations, said: „These special deals for Ostchem were not in the
    interest of Ukraine.“

    The real loser in the deal, though, was Gazprom. The arrangement,
    which Putin described during a press conference as having been made with
    the „input of the Russian leadership,“ meant Russia sold its gas
    to Firtash for at least $100 per unit less than it could have made
    in Western Europe, according to Emily Stromquist, head of Russian energy
    analysis at Eurasia Group, a political risk research firm.

    In addition, the profits from the subsequent resale of the gas were
    all reaped offshore by companies that did not benefit the Russian
    taxpayer. Those profits in 2012 and 2013 would have meant an additional
    $2 billion for Gazprom, whose ultimate majority owners are Russia’s
    citizens.

    Gazprom declined to comment on its sales to Firtash’s companies.

    Putin’s spokesman Peskov said Naftogaz agreed to Firtash receiving
    gas at low prices because the deal was intended to help Ukraine’s
    petrochemical industry. Asked why the gas was sold to companies
    in Cyprus and Switzerland, Peskov said: „Putin doesn’t need to approve
    this action. These operations are technical and were made by Gazprom
    according to the structures which are always used by its Ukrainian
    partners.“

    Neither of the two Firtash companies that bought gas from Russia
    publishes accounts. Firtash declined to comment on the firms or their
    results.

    Uneasy Standoff

    The new government in Ukraine alleges that Yanukovych had allowed
    corruption to flourish and stolen millions of dollars. In the longer
    term, the new government says it wants to forge closer ties with
    the European Union and reduce its dependence on Russian gas.

    In June, Moscow cut off supplies of gas to Kiev, claiming that it was
    owed billions of dollars by Ukraine’s state-owned Naftogaz. Late last
    month, the two countries struck a deal allowing supplies to resume, but
    the agreement runs only until March. Firtash retains large stocks of gas
    but has not imported new supplies since Yanukovych was ousted.

    Firtash remains in Austria awaiting the outcome of extradition
    hearings. According to a U.S. indictment unsealed in April, he is
    suspected of a scheme to bribe Indian government officials to procure
    titanium. Two U.S. government officials said the American investigation
    into Firtash is continuing; they declined to give further details.

    The Ukrainian oligarch has said the allegations are „without
    foundation“ and has accused Washington of acting for „purely political
    reasons.“ He has hired an all-star legal defense team. It includes Lanny
    Davis, who helped President Bill Clinton weather a series of White
    House scandals in the 1990s.

    In his time of trouble Firtash has not been deserted by the Russians.
    Since his arrest he has received another loan in order to pay his bail:
    $155 million from Vasily Anisimov, the billionaire who heads
    the Russian Judo Federation, the governing body in Russia of Putin’s
    beloved sport.

    „I have known Mr. Firtash for a number of years, though he is neither
    my friend nor business partner,“ Anisimov said in an email. „I confirm
    that I loaned 125 million euros to him. This was a purely business
    transaction.“

    Source: http://www.themoscowtimes.com/business/article/ukraine-oligarch-wanted-in-u-s-catapulted-to-success-by-putin-allies/511861.html

    Read more at http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=281_1418688011#EVbodIh3HiTichMX.99

  1. September 26, 2014 um 9:08 am
  2. September 29, 2014 um 6:49 am
  3. November 22, 2014 um 7:15 pm

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