Startseite > Europa > Der „Chiquita“ Konzern finanzierte 4.000 Morde in Kolumbien mit Paramilitärs

Der „Chiquita“ Konzern finanzierte 4.000 Morde in Kolumbien mit Paramilitärs

Die deutsche Regierung, vor allem Westerwelle unterstütze den Regierungs Umsturz, mit der kriminellen Hillary Clinton (Partner des Gambino Clan) und der Naumann Stiftung.

Bechtel, Lockhed Martin, Boeing, Pharma und Zigaretten Konzerne schrecken nicht vor Mord zurück im Ausland, kaufen sich jeden Politiker, was als Lobby Consults getarnt ist, oder Hillary Clinton Stiftung, wo man von Regierungschefs, Geld erpresst.

Sponsoren des Terrors

Kolumbien: Der US-Konzern Chiquita finanzierte rechte Paramilitärs

Von Jan Schwab, Bogotá
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Container mit dem Logo des Chiquita-Konzerns im Hafen Almirante in Panama im Oktober 2002

Im Mai veröffentlichte interne Dokumente haben einmal mehr die Verstrickung des US-amerikanischen Konzerns Chiquita, des auf Anbau und Vertrieb von Bananen spezialisierten Nachfolgers der United Fruit Company, mit paramilitärischen Gruppen in Kolumbien bestätigt. An die Öffentlichkeit gebracht wurde das Material von der US-amerikanischen regierungsunabhängigen Plattform National Security Archive. Der Konzern hatte zuvor versucht, die Publikation juristisch zu unterbinden, war jedoch vor Gericht gescheitert. Die pikanten Inhalte der Dokumente könnten nun im Zuge des kolumbianischen Friedensprozesses zu einer weiteren strafrechtlichen Verfolgung der Verantwortlichen führen. Denn nachdem die US-amerikanischen Behörden den Sachverhalt jahrelang verschleiert hatten, sind nun erstmals die Namen der Drahtzieher bekanntgeworden.

Bereits 2007 war der Konzern vom Justizministerium der Vereinigten Staaten zu einer Strafzahlung von 25 Millionen US-Dollar verurteilt worden, da ihm nachgewiesen werden konnte, dass er über Jahrzehnte ultrarechte paramilitärische Gruppen in den kolumbianischen Departamentos (Bundesstaaten) Urabá und Magdalena finanziert hatte. Mehr als 1,7 Millionen US-Dollar sollen über die Chiquita-Tochtergesellschaft Banadex zwischen 1997 und 2004 in 100 Zahlungssätzen an die Paramilitärs geflossen sein. Das Gericht belangte jedoch nicht die mutmaßlichen 14 Verantwortlichen in Leitungspositionen des Konzerns, die die Finanzoperationen tätigten oder aktiv gedeckt hatten. Auch wurden den Opfern der infolge der Unterstützung erfolgten Massaker keine Repara­tionszahlungen zugestanden. Durch die Zuwendungen an die Paramilitärs hat sich Chiquita mitschuldig an der Ermordung von bis zu 4.000 Menschen gemacht. 60.000 Menschen wurden im Zeitraum, in dem die Geldzahlungen erfolgten, zudem vertrieben. Auch linke Guerillagruppen sollen vom Konzern Zahlungen erhalten haben, um die Wirtschaftsoperationen des Konzerns am Laufen zu halten…https://www.jungewelt.de/artikel/312147.sponsoren-des-terrors.html

Banana Giant’s Paramilitary Payoffs Detailed in Trove of Declassified Legal, Financial Documents

Evidence of Quid Pro Quo with Guerrilla, Paramilitary Groups Contradicts 2007 Plea Deal

Colombian Military Officials Encouraged, Facilitated Company’s Payments to Death Squads

More than 5,500 Pages of Chiquita Records Published Online by National Security Archive

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 340

Posted – April 7, 2011

By Michael Evans

For more information contact:
Michael Evans – 202/994-7029 or by email

En Español – VerdadAbierta.com

http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB340/

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More Colombia Project Postings

Download the Complete Set of Chiquita Papers

The following PDF files contain the complete collection of Chiquita Papers received thus far from the Deparment of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, as received by the National Security Archive

Batch 1 (31 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 1 (4 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 2 (851 KB)

Batch 2 – Section 3 (5 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 4 (14 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 5 (7 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 6 (20 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 7 (7 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 8 (11 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 9 (4 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 10 (11 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 11 (6 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 12 (13 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 13 (21 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 14 (21 MB)

Batch 2 – Section 15 (469 KB)

Batch 3 – Section 1 (4 MB)

Batch 3 – Section 2 (27 MB)

Batch 3 – Section 3 (12 MB)

Batch 3 – Section 4 (19 MB)

Batch 3 – Section 5 (24 MB)

Bogotá, Colombia, April 7, 2011 – Confidential internal memos from Chiquita Brands International reveal that the banana giant benefited from its payments to Colombian paramilitary and guerrilla groups, contradicting the company’s 2007 plea agreement with U.S. prosecutors, which claimed that the company had never received „any actual security services or actual security equipment in exchange for the payments.“ Chiquita had characterized the payments as „extortion.“

These documents are among thousands that Chiquita turned over to the U.S. Justice Department as part of a sentencing deal in which the company admitted to years of illegal payments to the paramilitary United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC)–a State Department-designated foreign terrorist organization–and agreed to pay a $25 million fine. The Archive has obtained more than 5,500 pages of Chiquita’s internal documents from the Justice Department under the Freedom of Information Act and is publishing the entire set online today. Key documents from the Chiquita Papers are included in the recently-published document collection, Colombia and the United States: Political Violence, Narcotics, and Human Rights, 1948-2010, now available as part of the Digital National Security Archive from ProQuest.

The documents provide evidence of mutually-beneficial „transactions“ between Chiquita’s Colombian subsidiaries and several illegal armed groups in Colombia and shed light on more than a decade of security-related payments to guerrillas, paramilitaries, Colombian security forces, and government-sponsored Convivir militia groups. The collection also details the company’s efforts to conceal the so-called „sensitive payments“ in the expense accounts of company managers and through other accounting tricks. The Justice Department investigation concluded that many of Chiquita’s payments to the AUC (also referred to as „Autodefensas“ in many of the documents) were made through legal Convivir organizations ostensibly overseen by the Colombian army.

New evidence indicating that Chiquita benefited from the illicit payments may increase the company’s exposure to lawsuits representing victims of Colombia’s illegal armed groups. The collection is the result of an Archive collaboration with George Washington University Law School’s International Human Rights and Public Justice Advocacy Clinics and has been used in support of a civil suit brought against Chiquita led by Earth Rights International on behalf of hundreds of Colombian victims of paramilitary violence.

„These extraordinary records are the most detailed account to date of the true cost of doing business in Colombia,“ said Michael Evans, director of the National Security Archive’s Colombia documentation project. „Chiquita’s apparent quid pro quo with guerrillas and paramilitaries responsible for countless killings belies the company’s 2007 plea deal with the Justice Department. What we still don’t know is why U.S. prosecutors overlooked what appears to be clear evidence that Chiquita benefited from these transactions.“

The company’s effort to conceal indications that it benefited from the payments is evident in a pair of legal memos from January 1994. The first of these indicates that leftist guerrillas provided security at some of Chiquita’s plantations. The general manager of Chiquita operations in Turbó told company attorneys that guerrillas were „used to supply security personnel at the various farms.“ A handwritten annotation on a subsequent draft of the document asks, „Why is this relevant?“ and, „Why is this being written?“ Throughout the document, lawyers have crossed out the word „transactions“–suggestive of a quid pro quo arrangement–and replaced it with the more neutral term „payments.“ Company accountants characterized the expenditures as „guerrilla extortion payments“ but recorded them in the books as „citizen security,“ according to these memos. (Note 1)

Another document shows that Chiquita also paid right-wing paramilitary forces for security services–including intelligence on guerrilla operations–after the AUC wrested control of the region from guerrillas in the mid-1990s. The March 2000 memo, written by Chiquita Senior Counsel Robert Thomas and based on a convesation with managers from Chiquita’s wholly-owned subsidiary, Banadex, indicate that Santa Marta-based paramilitaries formed a front company, Inversiones Manglar, to disguise „the real purpose of providing security.“ (Note 2)

Ostensibly an agricultural export business, Inversiones Manglar actually produced „info on guerrilla movements,“ according to the memo. Banadex officials told Thomas that „all other banana companies are contributing in Santa Marta“ and that Chiquita „should continue making the payments“ as they „can’t get the same level of support from the military.“

The Chiquita Papers also highlight the role of the Colombian military in pressuring the company to finance the AUC through the Convivir groups and in facilitating the illegal payments.

One indication of this is found in another document written by Thomas in September 2000 describing the 1997 meeting where notorious AUC leader Carlos Castaño first suggested to Banadex managers that they support a newly-established Convivir called La Tagua del Darien. According to the memo, the Banadex officials said that they had „no choice but to attend the meeting“ as „refusing to meet would antagonize the Colombia military, local and state govenment officials, and Autodefensas.“ (Note 3)

Among the officials most supportive of the Convivir groups during this time was Álvaro Uribe, then the governor of Antioquia, the hub of Chiquita’s operations in Colombia. Thomas‘ September 2000 memo notes that, „It was well-known at the time that senior officers of the Colombian military and the Governor of the Department of Antioquia were campaigning for the establishment of a Convivir organization in Uraba.“ A 1995 memo indicates that both Uribe and another politician, Alfonso Nuñez, received substantial donations from another of Chiquita’s Colombian subsidiaries, Compañía Frutera de Sevilla. Uribe was president of Colombia from 2002-2010.

http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB340/

The New Chiquita Papers: Secret Testimony and Internal Records Identify Banana Executives who Bankrolled Terror in Colombia

SEC Deposition Transcripts Detail Years of Payments to Colombian Paramilitary, Guerrilla Groups
Top Chiquita Exec: “Not Realistic” to Halt Colombia Operations over Guerrilla Payments

Posted April 24, 2017
National Security Archive Briefing Book No. 586

…………………………….

The key that unlocks many of the mysteries of the Chiquita Papers is the secret testimony given by Kistinger and six other Chiquita officials during the SEC’s expansive bribery investigation. Through a relatively simple, if laborious, process of cross-referencing among the three sources, it is possible to identify almost all of the individuals whose names were scrubbed from the Factual Proffer, the SLC Report, and the SEC testimony—effectively stripping away the redactions that have shielded Chiquita personnel from scrutiny and that have helped guarantee impunity for individuals linked to the payments.

The records are the primary evidence behind a 2016 declaration (submitted by the author) identifying Chiquita “persons of interest” in the pending U.S. civil litigation. Those positively identified through this process include members of Chiquita’s board of directors, the corporate security team, regional and country operations managers with responsibility for Colombia, accountants and internal auditors, attorneys, and third-party bagmen who, over more than a decade, facilitated, negotiated, and delivered payments directly to guerrillas and paramilitary groups.

………………………….

http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB586-Testimony-Reveals-Chiquita-Executives-Behind-Terror-Payments/

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