Posts Tagged ‘Prinz Turku’

„PetroSaudi” – Goldman & Sachs Mafia: 1MDB: The inside story of the world’s biggest financial scandal

Juli 30, 2016 2 Kommentare

Money and the BCCI Scandal.
According to a series of leaked US embassy cables published by Wikileaks in August 2011, the United States

Tim Leissner, chairman of Goldman Sachs Southeast Asia’s operations, has taken a “personal leave” amidst corruption scandals associated with Malaysia’s state-owned 1MDB fund, with which Goldman worked closely.

President of Goldman’s Singapore operations since 2006 and chairman of its Southeast Asia operations since 2014, Leissner oversaw the bank’s operations in Malaysia, where it became the top international bank with a 20.3 percent market share since 2010.

Gut geschmiert die Politiker in Malaysia durch die Saudis und Goldman & Sachs

How a jailed former banker and a lone British journalist broke a story that shook the world


On 22 June 2015, Xavier Justo, a 48-year-old retired Swiss banker, walked towards the front door of his brand new boutique hotel on Koh Samui, a tropical Thai island. He had spent the past three years building the luxurious white-stone complex of chalets and apartments overlooking the shimmering sea and was almost ready to open for business. All he needed was a licence.

Justo had arrived in Thailand four years earlier, having fled the drab world of finance in London. In 2011, he and his girlfriend Laura toured the country on a motorbike and, two years later, they got married on a secluded beach. The couple eventually settled down in Koh Samui, a tourist hotspot, just an hour’s flight south of Bangkok. After trying out a couple of entrepreneurial ventures, Justo eventually decided that he would go into the hotel business. He bought a plot with an imposing house and began building: adding a gym, villas and a tennis court.

That June afternoon, he was expecting a visit from the tourism authorities to sign off on the paperwork. Instead, a squad of armed Thai police burst through the unlocked door, bundling Justo to the ground. The officers tied their plastic cuffs so tightly around Justo’s wrists that he bled on the dark tiled floor. The police quickly moved into his office, ripping out the computers and emptying the filing cabinets.

After two days in a ramshackle local jail, Justo was flown to Bangkok and paraded before the media, in a press conference befitting a mafia kingpin. Still wearing shorts and flip-flops, he was flanked by four commandos holding machine guns, while a quartet of senior Royal Thai Police officers briefed the assembled reporters on the charges against him.

Justo was charged with an attempt to blackmail his former employer, a little-known London-based oil-services company named PetroSaudi. But behind this seemingly mundane charge lay a much bigger story.

Six months earlier, Justo had handed a British journalist named Clare Rewcastle Brown thousands of documents, including 227,000 emails, from the servers of his former employer, PetroSaudi, which appeared to shed light on the alleged theft of hundreds of millions of dollars from a state-owned Malaysian investment fund known as 1MDB.

The documents that Justo leaked have set off a chain reaction of investigations in at least half a dozen countries, and led to what Loretta Lynch, the US attorney general, described last week as “the largest kleptocracy case” in US history.

According to lawsuits filed last week by the United States Department of Justice (DoJ), at least $3.5bn has been stolen from 1MDB. The purpose of the fund, which was set up by Malaysia’s prime minister, Najib Razak, in 2009, was to promote economic development in a country where the median income stands at approximately £300 per month. Instead, the DoJ alleged that stolen money from 1MDB found its way to numerous associates of Prime Minister Najib, who subsequently went on a lavish spending spree across the world. It also accused Najib of receiving $681m of cash from 1MDB – a claim he denied. Money from 1MDB, the US also claimed, helped to purchase luxury apartments in Manhattan, mansions in Los Angeles, paintings by Monet, a corporate jet, and even financed a major Hollywood movie.

The US justice department breaks the alleged theft down into three distinct phases: the first $1bn defrauded under the “pretence of investing in a joint venture between 1MDB and PetroSaudi”; another $1.4bn, raised by Goldman Sachs in a bond issue, misappropriated and fraudulently diverted to a Swiss offshore company; and $1.3bn, also from money Goldman Sachs raised on the market, which was diverted to a Singapore account.

United States Department of Justice has claimed that money from 1MDB was used to buy Claude Monet’s Nymphéas Avec Reflets de Hautes Herbes, valued at $57.5m.
United States Department of Justice alleges that money from 1MDB was used to buy Claude Monet’s Nymphéas Avec Reflets de Hautes Herbes, valued at $57.5m. Photograph: David Levene for the Guardian

“A number of corrupt 1MDB officials treated this public trust as a personal bank account,” Lynch told the press last week. “The co-conspirators laundered their stolen funds through a complex web of opaque transactions and fraudulent shell companies, with bank accounts in countries around the world, including Switzerland, Singapore and the United States.” PetroSaudi, which is not a party to the lawsuit, denied the US allegations and said that the DoJ’s asset-forfeiture claims are “no more than untested allegations”.

Najib, who has used every ounce of his power to obstruct investigations into the scandal – a charge he denies – is not mentioned by name in the US lawsuits, which refer to him as “Malaysian Official 1”. But the man at the centre of the intricate swindle depicted in the US lawsuits is an adviser to Najib: Jho Low, a Harrow-educated 29-year-old friend of the prime minister’s stepson. Low, a babyfaced young man who likes to party with Lindsay Lohan and Paris Hilton – and calls his Goldman Sachs banker “bro”, according to the DoJ – is accused by the US of masterminding the theft of $2bn from 1MDB, which was sent to bank accounts in Switzerland, Singapore and the Virgin Islands. Low has said that he has not broken any laws and was not being investigated.

Low’s sidekick is Riza Aziz, Najib’s stepson. Riza produced The Wolf of Wall Street – Martin Scorsese’s tale of corruption, decadence and greed – and both he and Low were thanked by name in Leonardo DiCaprio’s Golden Globes acceptance speech for best actor. In 2011, Low took a 20% stake in EMI, the world’s largest music-publishing company, for $106m – in the same year, he bought a $30m penthouse for his father at the Time Warner Center in Manhattan, overlooking Central Park. Riza’s Hollywood production company has said: “There has never been anything inappropriate about any of Red Granite Pictures or Riza Aziz’s business activities.”

All this and more is laid out in the US filing, which details claims of an amazing heist, carried out by conspirators who rinsed billions from the people of Malaysia through offshore accounts and shell companies in tax havens such as the Seychelles and British Virgin Islands. The scale of the enterprise echoes Balzac’s maxim that behind every great fortune lies a great crime.

Jho Low with Paris Hilton at an event in Paris.
Jho Low with Paris Hilton at an event in Paris. Photograph:

The global effort to uncover Malaysia’s missing billions began with Xavier Justo. He leaked 90GB of data, including 227,000 emails, from his former employer PetroSaudi, an oil services company that had signed the first major deal with 1MDB. (PetroSaudi denies any wrongdoing.) Without these files, there would have been no reckoning.

Justo’s connection to PetroSaudi was his long friendship with one of the company’s two founders, a Saudi national named Tarek Obaid. The two men had met back in the late 1990s, when they both partied regularly in the nightclubs of Geneva. By 2006, the two men were inseparable: Justo had become an established businessman, running a large financial services firm, Fininfor, and the owner of a Geneva nightspot named the Platinum Club. Justo regarded Obaid as a “younger brother”, and in 2008, lent him $30,000 and a desk in the Fininfor offices to help start up PetroSaudi.

When Justo left Geneva in 2009, PetroSaudi was little more than a name on a calling card, formally incorporated in London with an address at an anonymous business unit near Victoria. Two years later, it had taken in $1.83bn.

PetroSaudi’s business was access capitalism: opening doors with the help of friends in high places. The basic idea was to capture a piece of the huge oil revenues being generated by state-owned firms in developing countries – treasure chests waiting to be unlocked by a firm that was a “vehicle of the Saudi royal family”, which could count on the “full support from the kingdom’s diplomatic corps”. PetroSaudi told potential partners that it controlled oil fields in central Asia, which it would put up as collateral to secure cash from state investors.

This was the pitch that landed PetroSaudi’s founders a meeting with the Malaysian prime minister in August 2009. Aboard a 92m megayacht off the coast of Monaco, Obaid and Prince Turki spent the day with Najib, his adviser Jho Low, and other members of the prime minister’s family. Snapshots taken at the meeting have the look of a holiday cruise – baseball caps and shorts – but their discussion was serious business. What resulted was a decision for Low and Obaid to work together on a deal that would allow them both to control mind-boggling sums of money.

Although Low held no formal position in the Malaysian government, he had become a trusted confidant to the prime minister. Despite his youth, Low had been instrumental in working with Goldman Sachs to set up a sovereign wealth fund to invest the revenues of an oil-rich Malaysian state.

Around the time that Low and Najib went boating with the PetroSaudi founders, the Malaysian central government took control of the wealth fund – which was soon renamed as 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) and given a mandate to promote economic development in Malaysia. The fund had more than $1bn to spend, and Prime Minister Najib had the sole power to approve investments and to hire and fire board members and managers. Low appeared to facilitate transactions – according to the DoJ, he even attended board meetings of 1MDB and acted as a link with the PM.

The new fund’s first major deal was signed a few weeks after the meeting with PetroSaudi – a $2.5bn joint venture agreement between PetroSaudi and 1MDB, inked during a visit by Najib to Saudi Arabia in September 2009. The press release said that the joint venture would “make strategic investments in high-impact projects” and “underscored the confidence Saudi Arabia has in Malaysia”.

But, according to the US justice department, the deal was merely a “pretence” for “the fraudulent transfer of more than $1bn from 1MDB to a Swiss bank account” controlled by Low – “a 29-year-old with no official position with 1MDB or PetroSaudi”. PetroSaudi has always maintained that all 1MDB funds were paid to entities owned by its shareholders.

The multibillion-dollar joint venture deal was completed with extraordinary speed – in less than a month. Shortly after the yacht meeting, on 28 August 2009, Obaid had introduced Low to Patrick Mahony – the company director who handled PetroSaudi’s business affairs. According to documents seen by the Guardian, Low and Mahony met for lunch in New York on 9 September to discuss the joint venture.

This drawing by Vincent Van Gogh, worth $5.5m, was allegedly bought with money from 1MDB, according to the US authorities.
This drawing by Vincent Van Gogh, worth $5.5m, was allegedly bought with money from 1MDB, according to the US authorities. Photograph: Frank Baron for the Guardian

After dining at Masa – a sushi restaurant where the set menu costs $540 a head – Mahony emailed Low the next day with an offer: “We know there are deals you are looking at where you may want to use PSI [PetroSaudi] … we would be happy to do that. You need to let us know where.” PetroSaudi said the documents seen by the Guardian are unreliable, stolen, fake and that they have been selectively quoted.

Less than three weeks later, the deal was done. PetroSaudi would contribute $1.5bn in oil and gas assets to the joint venture, while 1MDB would inject $1bn in cash.

According to the US court filing, 1MDB transferred $300m into an account belonging to the PetroSaudi joint venture, but the remaining $700m was sent to a Swiss account at RBS Coutts, controlled by a Seychelles-registered shell company named Good Star. The US justice department complaint alleges that Jho Low, and not PetroSaudi, was the beneficial owner and sole authorised signatory of Good Star. US authorities claim that officials at 1MDB provided false information to banks about the ownership of the Good Star account in order to divert the $700m.

In documents seen by the Guardian, on 30 September 2009 PetroSaudi appears to direct that the $700m be paid into an account controlled by the company – but three days later, when the compliance department at RBS Coutts requested further details about the name of the beneficiary account, the address given by 1MDB was the Good Star account. On the same day, 2 October, Low emailed Mahony to say “Shld be cleared soon”. PetroSaudi told the Guardian: “No money put into the joint venture by 1MDB was misappropriated or is missing. Its investment was repaid with profit … All transfers from 1MDB were paid with the full approval of the 1MDB board.”

According to documents seen by the Guardian, the Good Star transaction made Obaid, then 32, and Mahony, then 33, very rich men. Records indicate that on 30 September 2009, Good Star agreed to pay $85m to Obaid, which the Seychelles company described as a fee for “brokering services”. The money was deposited into Obaid’s Swiss JP Morgan account. At the same time, emails and legal documents indicate that Mahony was given a contract as “investment manager” for Good Star. On 20 October, Obaid emailed his contact at JP Morgan to request that $33m be transferred into an account belonging to Mahony.

Four days later, Mahony began discussions to set up an offshore company to buy a £6.7m townhouse in Notting Hill – and by 12 November, contracts for the house had been exchanged. The former banker created a numbered bank account in Switzerland, and all payments for the purchase were made from this account, via a British Virgin Islands company that Mahony had set up.

In response to questions from the Guardian, PetroSaudi said the payment to Obaid was not a brokerage fee and that the transfer of $33m to Mahony had nothing to do with the PetroSaudi-1MDB joint venture.

Laura and Xavier Justo were blissfully unaware of their friend Obaid’s changing fortunes. The couple were sunning themselves on Thailand’s Andaman coast in December 2009 when Obaid rang Justo offering him a director’s position in London with PetroSaudi. He told Justo the company had become an overnight success, but it needed someone who could help it grow.

Justo rejected Obaid’s initial offer, but he was eventually persuaded by the temptation of a well-paid “adventure”. According to Justo, Obaid promised him a salary of £400,000, “millions in bonuses” and the perk of a £10,000-a-week flat in Mayfair, central London. Justo pitched up in London in spring 2010, and by June was a PetroSaudi director. But he was kept out of the lucrative Asian business. Instead, Justo, a native Spanish speaker, was tasked with launching a new operation in Venezuela, and spent much of 2011 flying between London and Caracas.

Xavier and Laura Justo.
Xavier and Laura Justo. Photograph: Javier Justo for the Guardian

Between September 2010 and May 2011, 1MDB agreed to lend an additional $830m to the joint venture with PetroSaudi – bringing 1MDB’s total investment to $1.83bn. Of these new payments, US officials allege, $330m was paid into the Swiss account they say was controlled by Low, on the basis of a request by Obaid – who is identified in the US legal complaint as “PetroSaudi CEO”.

Emails and bank records seen by the Guardian suggest that in the nine months from September 2010, Obaid transferred $77m from his Swiss JP Morgan account to his PetroSaudi co-founder, Prince Turki bin Abdullah. According to the US authorities, banking records show that in the spring of 2011, Prince Turki also received $24m from the Good Star account controlled by Low – and that “within days”, $20m from these funds was transferred to an account belonging to the Malaysian prime minister, Najib.

Meanwhile, Low was becoming known on the New York club scene as a fixer for the global super-rich – snapped by paparazzi swigging magnums of Cristal with R&B singers and Hollywood stars. According to US authorities, Low spent $100m from the joint venture transactions on properties in Hollywood and $40m on New York apartments. The funding for The Wolf of Wall Street, the US complaint alleges, can be directly traced to the billion dollars diverted from the PetroSaudi joint venture.

In the meantime, Justo was growing disaffected with working conditions at PetroSaudi. According to his wife, Laura, the first sign of discontent was his discovery that his salary payments were only about half of what Justo said Obaid had offered him – a slight that was compounded when he learned that the promised multimillion-pound bonus would be considerably less than that – more like six figures than seven.

There were other niggles, too. He complained to Laura that he was often paid late, and sometimes not at all. He claimed that he ended up paying rent on the flat in Mayfair that was supposed to be covered by his employers.

Leonardo DiCaprio in The Wolf of Wall Street.
Leonardo DiCaprio in The Wolf of Wall Street. Photograph: Allstar/Paramount Pictures

At first, Justo told Laura, he thought these were just mishaps – nothing malicious, just poor corporate bookkeeping. But he became increasingly dismayed by Obaid’s behaviour. Justo told friends that Obaid had become “arrogant” after striking it rich. Justo was especially disturbed by what he described as changes in his younger Saudi friend – telling other people that Obaid had become irrational, and displayed “uncontrollable” rage.

Justo and Obaid’s long friendship, stretched to breaking point over 12 months of highly charged corporate life, finally snapped. At the end of 2010, Justo missed a flight for an important meeting. He apologised to Obaid, but according to Justo, his friend “went mad”, sending him a stream of abuse, via text messages and emails.

Sick with worry, Justo decided to resign in March 2011. In the angry email exchanges that followed, Obaid called Justo “arrogant” and a “smart ass”. In April, things came to a head in Mayfair. Amid the marble, dark leather and metal art deco detailing of the exclusive Connaught hotel bar, Mahony and Justo hammered out the terms of his departure. According to Justo, Mahony had agreed to pay him about 6.5m Swiss francs (£5m) in severance. However, in the midst of a heated conversation, Mahony’s phone rang. It was Obaid, who apparently told Mahony to settle on 5m Swiss francs (£3.85m). Justo, who had poured his heart out to Mahony, telling him he was at his “lowest point emotionally”, shed tears. A day later, Justo claims that he was told his severance package would, in fact, be 4m Swiss francs (£3m).

As the rancour set in, Justo took a copy of the data on the PetroSaudi servers. In September 2013, a little more than two years after he had left PetroSaudi, Justo sent a fateful email to Mahony. Justo was insistent that he be paid what was owed to him, warning that he had a file of information on PetroSaudi. “The official side paints a nice picture but the reality is commissions, commissions, commissions,” he wrote.

In the furious exchanges that followed, Mahony accused Justo of blackmail. Mahony presciently told his former colleague: “What troubles me so much is the way in which I see this situation ending – with the destruction of you.”

A few months later, over a Chinese meal in London, the journalist who would break open the 1MDB scandal first heard rumours about an extraordinary heist in Malaysia. Clare Rewcastle Brown met a contact at a restaurant in Bayswater who showed her screen grabs of internal documents from PetroSaudi: on a single printed page, there were highlights of PetroSaudi’s dealings with 1MDB, under the heading “Thousands of documents related to the deal (emails, faxes and transcripts)”. She recognised the names and the deal. Her heart skipped a beat. “A bomb went off in my head,” Brown recalled. She knew right away that this was a huge story.

Rewcastle Brown is a classic British rebel at the heart of the establishment. She was born on the island of Borneo – part of which now belongs to Malaysia – when it was still part of the British empire, where her father was a colonial policeman and head of the local intelligence service. Her brother-in-law is the former British prime minister Gordon Brown. After working as a reporter for the BBC, in 2010 Rewcastle Brown set up Sarawak Report, a website dedicated to uncovering corruption in the place of her birth.

Working out of her tiny kitchen in central London, she published story after story exposing corruption in the timber and oil industries that were despoiling the country’s rainforests for profit. Her email was hacked and she received death threats, but she carried on, regardless. Early in 2013, Malaysian politicians labelled her an “enemy of the state”. Rather than be cowed, she considered this a badge of honour. In person, Rewcastle Brown is a curious mix of the bawdy and the brave, almost to the point of recklessness. Her mantra: “I just want the story.”

After the meeting in Bayswater, Rewcastle Brown knew she needed to get the 1MDB documents. The first hurdle was that the source of the PetroSaudi papers apparently wanted millions for the information. It was money she did not have.

Another stumbling block was that no journalist in Malaysia wanted to touch the story. In Malaysia, Prime Minister Najib had just won a tightly contested election, and was flush with power. Rumours were swirling around the cache of PetroSaudi documents – some said the Russian mafia was behind the data dump, while others speculated that it might be an elaborate trap, set by the prime minister to ensnare his critics.

Undeterred, Rewcastle Brown arranged with her contact to meet the source in Thailand. In October 2014, she pitched up at the lobby of the Plaza Athénée hotel, in Bangkok. She had told her husband she was hoping to meet a “balding bespectacled short Swiss guy”. Instead, into the foyer stepped Xavier Justo – muscular and 6ft 6in tall. Rewcastle Brown was faced with a “physically imposing, extremely elegant” man. “Oh my God,” she thought. “This guy is going to duff me up.”

But Justo admitted that he was just as scared as she was. According to Rewcastle Brown, he seemed “very, very nervous” and repeatedly warned her that “the people we were dealing with were ruthless, had huge amounts of money and were very, very powerful – and they could do what they liked to us”.

Justo told Rewcastle Brown that he wanted $2m in exchange for the PetroSaudi-1MDB documents. It was, he said, the money he should have been paid when he left PetroSaudi.

Although he shared a few documents at the meeting, Justo was adamant: no cash, no data. Rewcastle Brown needed to find a rich person prepared to pay for the papers.

At around this time, concerns about 1MDB had begun to spread in Malaysia. Financial analysts pointed out that the fund was not generating enough cash to cover interest payments on the billions of dollars of debt it had acquired. The hundreds of millions that had been spent on art work, jewellery, real estate, gambling and parties did not realise any return on the “investment”. By 2014, Prime Minister Najib’s political opponents had taken to taunting him with the accusation that the wealth fund should be renamed “1Malaysia’s Debt of Billions”.

In August 2014, Najib received another political blow. Mahathir Mohamad, the towering figure of modern Malaysian politics who served as prime minister from 1981 to 2003, announced that he was withdrawing support for Najib, his former protege. In the weeks that followed, Mahathir became more vocal in his criticism, warning that 1MDB was adding to Malaysia’s dangerously high debt levels.

This warning went unheeded. The fund’s debt swelled. By November 2014, 1MDB owed almost $11bn. Najib, who chaired the fund’s advisory board, appeared unconcerned, telling the state news agency that the government was not liable for the debt if the fund went bankrupt.

The journalist Clare Rewcastle Brown helped uncover the Malaysian money trail.
The journalist Clare Rewcastle Brown helped uncover the Malaysian money trail. Photograph: Felix Clay for the Guardian

As the crisis deepened, Rewcastle Brown continued her quest for a person willing to pay Justo for the PetroSaudi-1MDB documents. She noticed that some of the most searching reporting on the scandal had appeared in Malaysia’s best-selling business weekly, the Edge. Sensing that she may have found a wealthy ally, Rewcastle Brown contacted the Edge’s owner, Tong Kooi Ong, a former banker turned media tycoon, who owned a number of business publications.

In January 2015, Tong, Rewcastle Brown and Justo met in a five-star Singapore hotel, the Fullerton. Tong booked a conference room, and brought a number of IT experts, as well as the editor of the Edge, Kay Tat. At the meeting, Justo laid out the 1MDB joint venture, making the same claims that the US Department of Justice would set out 18 months later: namely that hundreds of millions of dollars that were intended for economic development in Malaysia had instead been diverted into a Seychelles-based company. The man at the centre of the transaction was alleged to be Najib’s adviser and family friend, Jho Low.

It was a potentially huge scoop. Tong agreed to pay Justo $2m. Tong and Rewcastle Brown were immediately handed disk drives with the data. But the payment was never made. Justo did not want the money in cash, and he worried that a large transfer of funds into his account would look suspicious. Tong offered Justo one of his Monets as collateral – but Justo declined, and said “no, I trust you”. Rewcastle Brown finally had the documents she had been chasing for 18 months.

On 28 February 2015, Rewcastle Brown posted the first big story online – under a typically unrestrained headline: “HEIST OF THE CENTURY!” The article claimed to show how $700m had disappeared from the 1MDB joint venture and found its way into various offshore companies and Swiss bank accounts.

The impact of the article was felt around the world. In the US, law enforcement officials who had been alerted to reports that Low was spending huge amounts on New York apartments now had a fix on the possible source of his wealth.

While researching the story, Rewcastle Brown had teamed up with the Sunday Times, which helped her decrypt the files Justo had given to her. The paper ran an interview with Mahathir, the former Malaysian prime minister, who called for an immediate investigation and a full audit. “Somebody must be doing something stupid to part with $700m for no very good reason as far as I can see,” he said.

In Malaysia, the response was immediate. On 1 March 2015, 1MDB’s management claimed that it had exited the joint venture in 2012, and that it had received back its investment in full, with an additional profit of $488m. PetroSaudi claimed that the $700m had all gone to “PetroSaudi-owned entities” – denying, in other words, that companies controlled by Jho Low had received payments in the deal.

Not long before Rewcastle Brown’s story broke, 1MDB’s bonds had been effectively downgraded to junk. After another £200m of Malaysian government funds were required to plug a hole in 1MDB’s finances, Najib bowed to the inevitable and ordered investigations by the country’s auditor general and the parliamentary accounts committee. Soon, the country’s central bank and anti-corruption agency were also looking at 1MDB. Malaysia’s top policeman was reported as saying that the prime minister would also be investigated.

Najib tightened his grip on power. As prime minister and finance minister, he wielded enormous authority: in April, the government pushed through harsh penalties and restrictions on free speech, particularly on social media. Five executives of Tong’s The Edge Media Group – which had also published details of the PetroSaudi deal – were arrested for sedition. The government also introduced a new law, ostensibly aimed at terrorists, which allowed suspects to be detained indefinitely. In July 2015, the Edge weekly was banned from publishing.

Although the scandal only seemed to be getting bigger, it had not ensnared Prime Minister Najib personally. Then, on 2 July, Rewcastle Brown and the Wall Street Journal reported that Malaysian government investigators had discovered that $681m from banks, agencies and companies with ties to 1MDB had been deposited in Najib’s private accounts in 2013. A few days later, investigators raided the offices of 1MDB.

Najib was now at the centre of a corruption probe relating to allegations that billions of dollars had disappeared from a Malaysian investment fund he controlled. Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, once a supporter of Najib, publicly called on him to answer questions about the fund. It seemed that Najib was cornered.

Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak strengthened his grip on power as the 1MDB scandal gathered pace.
Malaysia’s Prime Minister Najib Razak strengthened his grip on power as the 1MDB scandal gathered pace. Photograph: Reuters

On the morning of Monday 28 July, the attorney general, Abdul Gani Patail – a party loyalist who had previously gone after the prime minister’s opponents – arrived at his office expecting to finalise corruption charges against Najib. The indictment, which Rewcastle Brown later obtained and published, would have charged the prime minister with corruption resulting from the investigations into 1MDB…..

Justo to sue Edge bosses, Sarawak Report founder over PetroSaudi data: Report

Justo to sue Edge bosses, Sarawak Report founder over PetroSaudi data: Report
Swiss national Xavier Andre Justo will sue the owner of the Edge Media Group and the founder of Sarawak Report in the High Court in Singapore, according to a source. Photo: Malay Mail Online
Published: 8:29 AM, October 30, 2015
Updated: 9:29 AM, October 30, 2015

SINGAPORE — Swiss national Xavier Andre Justo, now serving a three-year jail term in Bangkok for trying to blackmail his former employer PetroSaudi International, is to sue the owner of the Edge Media Group and its top executive as well as the founder of Sarawak Report in the High Court in Singapore, Bernama reported.

Justo wants Tong Kooi Ong and Group Chief Executive Officer and Publisher of The Edge Communications Ho Kay Tat and founder-editor of Sarawak Report Clare Rewcastle-Brown to return the data that he had handed them, the Malaysian state news agency said, citing an unnamed source familiar with the case.

The source told Bernama the lawsuit is scheduled to be heard at the High Court in Singapore on Nov 4 as the data, which Justo had stolen from PetroSaudi, was handed to them there……

Scheinheiligkeit der Terroristen Financiers trafen sich in Paris und Saudi der Terroristen Financier

Januar 11, 2015 8 Kommentare

Rekord verdächtiges Verbrecher der EU Staaten. Man vertuscht den Abschuß der MA17 über der Ukraine und erfindet nebolöse Geschichten wie im Spiegel so oft.

Einmalig diese verlogene Show, der Kriegs und Terroristen Financiers, der NATO Staaten, Lügner, welche Millionen Zivilisten und Kinder ermordeten in den letzten 20 Jahren. Von Bosnien, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Irak, Afrika immer mit kriminellen und Folterern, Mördern unterwegs: Die USA, oder als Financier u.a. mit Hashim Thaci, oder dem General Fahim in Afghanistan: Frank Walter Steinmeier und bei jedem Verbrechen dabei: Angela Merkel, welche direkt 2003 bei Cheney in Washington ihre Zeit verbrachte, dem Ober Folterer, der das als US Kultur bis heute verkauft. Sogar der Welt Verbrecher Benjamin Netanjahu, ist dabei, der Kinder erschiessen lässt und Zivilisten mit Phospor Raketen beschoss, für Ethnische Säuberungen.


Aktuell, als Schutzherr von Verbrechern in der Ukraine, wo erneut Folter zum System der EU „Eliten“ wurde.

Foltern wie gehabt

Komitee des Europarats erhebt Vorwürfe wegen der Misshandlung von Gefangenen in der Ukraine

Kinder töden und foltern durch die Steinmeier Partner: die Saudis

Jemen: UNO wirft Kriegparteien Völkerrechtsverstöße vor

Spuren des Krieges. Ein Reporter fotografiert das Ergebnis eines saudischen Luftangriffes. / Bild: REUTERS

Ein neuer Bericht für den UN-Sicherheitsrat kritisiert, dass Saudiarabien im Jemen zivile Ziele bombardiere. Die Rebellen wiederum missbrauchten die Bevölkerung als „Schutzschild“.  
Von Reinhard Lauterbach

Trauermarsch von Massenmördern angeführt

von Freeman am Sonntag, 11. Januar 2015 , unter , | Kommentare (0)
Die Terroristen Financiers, Mord Gesellen sind markiert auf diesem Foto.
Als ich das folgende Foto des Trauermarsches von Paris sah, hat es mich fast die Sprache verschlagen. Viele Politiker in der 1. Reihe sind Massenmörder und Kriegstreiber. Es ist eine Ungeheuerlichkeit, dass ausgerechnet diese Terroristen einen Marsch anführen, der den Toten des Terroranschlages gedenken soll. Ich habe die Mörder mit einem Pfeil markiert, die mir…


Trauermarsch in Paris Christen, Juden, Muslime – vereint gegen den Terror

Trauermarsch in Paris: Christen, Juden, Muslime - vereint gegen den Terror FotosVideo

Mehr als eine Million Menschen in Frankreich haben der Opfer der Terroranschläge gedacht. Die Elite der internationalen Politik kam nach Paris. Vertreter muslimischer und jüdischer Verbände reichten sich demonstrativ die Hand. mehr… Video | Forum ]

Pressekonferenz mit Bob Graham, Leiter des Geheimdienstausschusses des US-Senats von 2001 bis 2003, zur Rolle des saudischen Königshauses im globalen Netz von Wahhabismus und Takfiri-Terror einschließlich 9/11:

Veröffentlicht am 08.01.2015

On January 7, 2015, former Senator Bob Graham, Representative Walter Jones, Representative Stephen Lynch, and members of the 9/11 families including Terry Strada, all participated in a press conference on Capitol Hill to announce the filing of H. Res. 14 to declassify the excised 28 page chapter of the 9/11 Joint Inquiry Report which details foreign state sponsorship and financial support of the 9/11 hijackers, and was very well attended by leading national press services in addition to numerous independent websites and blogs related to citizen activism on declassification such as

For a full transcript of the press conference, please visit…

And for more background on the fight to declassify the 28 pages, please visit:

Was da von Bob Graham und seinen Kollegen geäußert wird, ist keine Verschwörungstheorie, sondern belegt eine große Verschwörung zur Unterdrückung der Wahrheit über die saudisch gesponsorte globale Terrorplage von den Taliban über Shabaab bis hin zu Al Kaida und ISIS.

Ingram Pinn illustration

Saudis have lost the right to take Sunni leadership
David Gardner

The kingdom spews out the corrosive poison that helps fuel religion-based fanaticism

When Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the jihadi leader whose blackshirts over-ran swaths of northern and central Iraq in June, gave his Ramadan rant last month after proclaiming himself caliph, he had it translated into English, French, German, Turkish, Russian – and Albanian. Why did his Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (known as Isis), which now styles itself narcissistically as the Islamic State, take the trouble?
Since the end of the cold war and after the wars of the Yugoslav succession, the western Balkans – in particular Albania, Kosovo, Bosnia, Macedonia and even bits of Bulgaria – have been carpeted with Saudi-financed Wahhabi mosques and madrassas. This is moving local Muslim culture away from Turkic-oriented, Sufi Islam towards the radical bigotry of Wahhabi absolutism, which groups such as Isis have taken to its logical conclusion. This is fertilised ground for jihadi ambition.

Saudi Arabia not only exports oil, but tanker-loads of quasi-totalitarian religious dogma and pipelines of jihadi volunteers, even as it struggles to insulate itself from the blowback; and King Abdullah, in his end of Ramadan address, warns against the “devilish” extremism of “these deviant forces”. Jihadi extremism does present a threat to the kingdom. But in doctrinal terms it is hard to see in what way it “deviates” from Wahhabi orthodoxy, with its literalist and exclusivist rendering of Sunni Islam. Its extreme interpretation of monotheism anathematises other beliefs, in particular the “idolatrous” practices of Christians and Shia Muslims, as infidel or apostate. That can be read as limitless sanction for jihad. The modern jihadi is a Wahhabi on steroids. His main grievance with the House of Saud is that it deviates: its profligate deeds do not match its Wahhabi words.

The late King Fahd, Abdullah’s predecessor, for example, acquired a reputation as a playboy and gambler in his youth. Yet during his reign he built 1,359 mosques abroad, together with 202 colleges, 210 Islamic centres and more than 2,000 schools, according to official Saudi data. There seem to be no figures for Wahhabi “outreach” under Abdullah, a more austere and ecumenical figure. Anecdotal evidence says Saudi mosque-building is powering ahead wherever believers are found, especially in south, central and southeast Asia, home to about 1bn of the world’s 1.6bn Muslims.

The House of Saud, facing a potentially wrenching succession to the ailing Abdullah at a time of upheaval across the Arab world, is in a delicate position. As custodian of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, it is the closest modern equivalent to the old Islamic caliphate. It thus abominates the violent presumption of Isis as much as it abhors the rival brand of pan-Islamic fundamentalism of the Muslim Brotherhood. Yet the kingdom still spews out the corrosive poison that helps fuel religion-based fanaticism. The Isis rampage of destruction of shrines and mosques, for instance, continues the two centuries-old record of Wahhabi iconoclasm. Nor should it be forgotten that the House of Saud used Wahhabi zealots as its shock troops in the last century to unite by force most of the religiously diverse Arabian peninsula – won by the sword in 52 battles over 30 years. There are no churches in Saudi Arabia, and permits to build Shia mosques are rarer than desert rain.

Saudi Arabia is not solely responsible for the result; resurgent jihadism amid the virulent battle within Islam between the majority Sunni and minority Shia is playing out across the Levant, down into the Gulf and across to the Indian subcontinent. But it is a primary source of doctrinal bigotry, as Saudi schoolbooks enjoining believers to shun all but their own well attest.
The modern jihadi is a Wahhabi on steroids. His main grievance with the House of Saud is that it deviates
The worldwide surge in Wahhabi mosques began in response to Iran’s attempts to export the Shia radicalism of its 1979 revolution. The Anglo-American overthrow of Iraq’s minority Sunni regime in the 2003 invasion of Iraq – which installed a Shia majority and ignited sectarian carnage – and the west’s failure to support the rebellion of the Sunni majority in Syria, have fed Sunni grievances, sharpened by the Iran-backed Shia axis across the region. It is uncertain whether the Saudi state and its Gulf allies finance groups such as Isis, but their citizens do, encouraged by the Sunni supremacist discourse and tactical promiscuity of their rulers, fearful of being outflanked from the religious right.

Saudi Arabia’s position as the world’s leading oil exporter, a leading purchaser of western arms and a counterweight to Iran in the Gulf has shielded it from criticism. In the current turmoil in the Middle East – characterised by an absence of state and institutions, a loss of shared national narrative in mosaic countries such as Syria and Iraq, and the feebleness of previously influential big powers – there is a lack of mainstream Sunni leadership.

The petrodollar theocracy of Saudi Arabia, in its contest with the petrodollar theocracy of Iran, has smothered Sunni space – except for the vacuum in which Isis is building its (also oil-rich) cross-border caliphate, now striking east into Kurdistan and west into Lebanon.
Previous generations of mainstream Sunni Arabs gave their allegiance to pan-Arab nationalists such as Gamal Abdel Nasser, tarnished paladins of a dead-end ideology. The potential disaster now facing the Arabs demands a new generation of Sunni leaders, able to defeat extremism within their own camp. That is something Saudi Arabia, whose Wahhabi absolutism is part of the genetic code of groups such as Isis, cannot do.
david.gardner@ft.comcharlieMarine Le Pen, die Vorsitzende des rechtsextremen Front National, rief ihre Anhänger dazu auf, überall in Frankreich zu demonstrieren, aber nicht in Paris: Die Demonstration sei leider „von Parteien gekapert worden, die das repräsentieren, was die Franzosen hassen: den Kleingeist, die Manipulation und die schamlose Polemik“. Diese so kleingeistige wie schamlos manipulative Rhetorik deutet schon darauf hin, dass es mit der von Staatspräsident François Hollande und Premierminister Manuel Valls in den Tagen zuvor immer wieder beschworenen Einheit der Nation nicht weit her sein dürfte in den Wochen, die dem Land bevorstehen.

Zu korrupt, zu dumm ist Europa heute! von Karrieristen, Politik Deppen und Mafiösen Politik Zirkeln dirigiert. Prinz Turku, Prinz Bandar haben den 11.9.2001 direkt finanziert, sprachen auch noch im korrupten und Mafiös geführten Auswärtigen Amte, bei Hirnlos Westerwelle und wie immer Frank Walter Steinmeier vor und dann diese Peinlichkeit eines Welt Verbrechers: Clemenz von Goetze. Besonders peinlich die UN Verbrecher erneut nun mit dem Bandar Plan: Jeffrey Feltmann.

13.01.2015 – Der Krieg kehrt heim (III)

BERLIN/DAMASKUS (Eigener Bericht) – Mit ihrer Unterstützung für
Dschihadisten haben der Westen und seine wichtigsten regionalen
Verbündeten den Durchbruch des „Islamischen Staates“ ermöglicht,
dessen Terror nun auf die westlichen Metropolen zurückschlägt. Vor
allem saudische Finanziers haben den Aufstieg der Organisation
ermöglicht, deren barbarische Praktiken bereits Mitte 2013 offen
erkennbar waren, Morde an Journalisten und Andersgläubigen inklusive.
Über Jahre förderte Saudi-Arabien in Abstimmung mit dem Westen und im
Rahmen einer ausgefeilten Strategie („Bandar-Plan“) ganz allgemein in
Syrien kämpfende Dschihadisten, um mit ihrer Hilfe die Regierung von
Bashar al Assad zu stürzen; die Türkei leistete logistischen Beistand.
Ihr Krieg an der Seite des Westens gegen einen gemeinsamen Gegner
ermöglichte es den Dschihadisten, mit der Gründung des IS ihren
zweiten großen Durchbruch nach demjenigen im Afghanistan-Krieg der
1980er Jahre zu erzielen. Der gemeinsame Krieg wird auf Seiten der
Islamisten wie auf Seiten des Westens und seiner Verbündeten zum Teil
mit demselben Personal wie damals geführt – mit alten Mitkämpfern
Osama bin Ladens und mit dschihad-erfahrenen saudischen Prinzen. Einer
dieser Prinzen gehört dem „Advisory Council“ der Münchner
Sicherheitskonferenz an.


Dschihadisten gefördert
Auf die Kampfkraft dschihadistischer Milizen haben der Westen und seine Verbündeten in jüngerer Zeit nicht nur in Libyen [1], sondern auch im Syrien-Krieg gesetzt. Um die Regierung von Bashar al Assad zu stürzen, unterstützen die westlichen Staaten bis heute offiziell die als „gemäßigt“ dargestellte „Free Syrian Army“ (FSA), während ihre regionalen Verbündeten – vor allem Saudi-Arabien und Qatar – und der NATO-Partner Türkei offen Dschihadisten fördern. Dies gilt nicht nur für den syrischen Al Qaida-Ableger („Jabhat al Nusra“) und den „Islamischen Staat“ (IS), die offenbar bis heute von wohlhabenden Finanziers vor allem aus Saudi-Arabien Zuwendungen erhalten und ihren Nachschub über die Türkei abwickeln können.[2] Auch andere dschihadistische Milizen wie etwa „Ahrar al Sham“, mit bis zu 20.000 Kämpfern eine der stärksten Truppen im Land, haben Gönner vor allem in Riad. Experten von der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP) warnten bereits im Frühjahr 2012, wer – wie die Bundesregierung – zum Beispiel mit dem Emirat Qatar kooperiere, „muss sich bewusst sein, dass es zielstrebig Organisationen und Personen fördert, die keine Demokraten sind“.[3] Das aber hat Deutschland wie auch die anderen westlichen Staaten jahrelang nicht davon abgehalten, die militärischen Erfolge der von ihren Verbündeten geförderten Dschihadisten bei ihren Planungen zu Assads Sturz fest einzukalkulieren. Vor allem zu Saudi-Arabien stand Berlin in Sachen Syrien in beständigem Kontakt.[4]
Der Mufti der Opposition
Die inzwischen mehr als dreißigjährige Geschichte wiederkehrender Kooperationen des Westens und seiner Verbündeten mit Dschihadisten schlägt sich in aufschlussreichen personellen Kontinuitäten nieder. Eine bedeutende Rolle im Syrien-Krieg spielt zum Beispiel Abu Basir al Tartousi. Al Tartousi nahm um 1980 an der damaligen islamistischen Revolte in Syrien teil, um dann 1981 nach Afghanistan zu gehen und sich dem vom Westen unterstützten Krieg gegen die Rote Armee anzuschließen. Dort soll er einer der ersten arabischen Dschihadisten gewesen sein. Er unterhielt enge Beziehungen zu führenden dschihadistischen Ideologen wie etwa Abdullah Azzam, einem Parteigänger von Osama bin Laden. Auf den Aufstand in Syrien hatte er schon früh starken Einfluss. Wie es heißt, soll er die Gründung der Lokalen Koordinationskomitees angeregt haben und von Anfang an auch für den bewaffneten Kampf eingetreten sein. Zudem habe er Kontakte zu Finanziers und Förderern dschihadistischer Milizen in den arabischen Golfdiktaturen hergestellt. Seit dem Frühjahr 2012 hält er sich selbst in Syrien auf, wo er nicht nur von dschihadistischen Milizen verehrt wird, sondern inzwischen sogar den Ruf eines „Muftis der Opposition“ innehat.[5] Zu den bekanntesten Afghanistan-Veteranen im Syrien-Krieg gehörte bis zu seinem Tod im Februar 2014 auch Abu Khalid al Suri. Er kämpfte in den 1980er Jahren ebenfalls am Hindukusch an der Seite des Westens gegen die Sowjetunion; laut eigenen Angaben unterhielt er dort enge Kontakte etwa zu Osama bin Laden und zum heutigen Al Qaida-Führer Ayman al Zawahiri. Im Syrien-Krieg gehörte er, erneut im Verein mit dem Westen Bashar al Assads Sturz anstrebend, zu den Gründern und Führungsmitgliedern der Dschihadisten-Miliz „Ahrar al Sham“.
„Ein netter Kerl“
Kontinuitäten zwischen dem Afghanistan-Krieg der 1980er Jahre, der den Dschihadisten den ersten großen Durchbruch brachte, und dem Syrien-Krieg finden sich auch bei regionalen Verbündeten des Westens. So hat Berlin etwa den saudischen Prinzen Turki al Faisal zum Thema Syrien-Krieg zu Rate gezogen; dabei machte Prinz Turki im Januar 2013 in Berlin energisch Druck und sprach sich sogar für die Lieferung von Panzer- und Luftabwehrraketen an die syrischen Aufständischen aus. Von 1977 bis 2001 als Leiter des bedeutendsten saudischen Geheimdienstes („General Intelligence Presidency“, GIP) tätig, der bereits damals mit dem deutschen BND kooperierte, hatte er im Afghanistan-Krieg maßgeblich die Verteilung westlicher und saudischer Unterstützungsleistungen an die Dschihadisten in Afghanistan koordiniert; bis zu fünf Mal im Monat soll er zu diesem Zweck nach Pakistan und bisweilen auch weiter nach Afghanistan gereist sein. Zu Turkis Kontaktpersonen am Hindukusch gehörte unter anderem Osama bin Laden, auf den der GIP-Chef große Stücke hielt. „Er sprach wenig und erhob nie seine Stimme“, berichtete er später: „Kurzum, er war ein netter Kerl.“[6] Prinz Turki unterhält beste Kontakte ins Berliner Polit-Establishment; unter anderem gehört er dem „Advisory Council“ der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz an.
Der Bandar-Plan
Zu den Saudis, die in den 1980er Jahren den Dschihad in Afghanistan förderten, gehört auch Prinz Bandar bin Sultan. Prinz Bandar war von 1983 bis 2005 als Botschafter seines Landes in Washington tätig; in dieser Funktion reiste er auch an den Hindukusch und traf dort unter anderem Osama bin Laden. Im Syrien-Krieg arbeitete er erneut eng mit der westlichen Welt zusammen und suchte in seiner Amtszeit als saudischer Geheimdienstchef (2012 bis 2014) den sogenannten Bandar-Plan zu realisieren.

Sonntag, 11. Januar 2015

Realsatire: Die Mörder von Syrien und Libyen marschieren in Paris

Ich trauere um die ermordeten Journalisten von Paris, vom Donbass, von Damaskus, von Tripolis, von Bagdad, … Wie kann man so die Pariser Opfer des Staatsterrorismus verhöhnen?!

Merkel, Cameron, Hollande, Poroschenko, …. Die Staatschefs der Mörder von Jugoslawien, Afghanistan, Irak, Libyen, Syrien, Kiew, Donezk und Odessa marschieren in Paris.

Die ermordeten Künstler von Charlie Hedbo würden sich totLACHEN.

Vergessen wie sich Merkel in Washington dafür entschuldigte, dass die BR Deutschland nicht mit in den Irak-Krieg zieht, wie sie Milliarden für die Putschisten in Kiew locker macht….?
Wie Jatzenjuk in Berlin 27 Mio. Russen beleidigen darf und dafür 500 Mio. Euro bekam?

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